News
Risks of a Clinton 'Shutdown Strategy' Reach Beyond Beltway
by Stuart Rothenberg, Roll Call
While White House strategists are emphasizing President Clinton's
high, stable job approval numbers, Hill Democrats still have plenty of
reason to be concerned about the commander-in-chief's political health.
Polling conducted by the national media and partisan pollsters
shows Clinton's job approval numbers in the 60 to 65 percent range, little
affected by the current scandal. But those numbers may be misleading.
It's starting to look as if the President's job ratings are only a
measure of the public's confidence in the economy, not a more inclusive
assesment of his presidency. If that is the case the President's job
approval numbers aren't measuring changes in the public's attitude toward
Clinton – and the voters could turn against the Democrats in November
without the President's job numbers ever moving down.
Clearly, any dip in the President's job rating would be ominous for
Democratic candidates, but the erosion in his personal
favorable/unfavorable numbers, which has already begun, should also worry
party strategists.
Interestingly, most public polls are showing that Congress's job
approval numbers are not far behind the President's. One Washington
Post/ABC poll had Clinton's job approval at 59 percent and Congress' at 56
percent, while a CBS News survey had the President's approval at 61 percent
to Congress' 57 percent. Only a Sept. 9 and 10 CNN/USA Today/Gallup poll
had a significant gap between the President's job approval number (64
percent) and Congress (55 percent).
The public's support for the President has caused speculation that
an early deal might be worked out between Hill Republicans and the White
House to provide for a punishment of Clinton short of a Senate trial and
conviction.
That notion ignores both the moral outrage on Capitol Hill and the
short-term pressures on GOP legislators. Any deal that seems to let the
President off the hook with only a slap on the wrist could anger Republican
voters, undermining the strong November turnout that party operatives are
counting on for significant electoral gains.
By all indication, we are headed into an impeachment process, and
it is difficult to imagine anything that would derail it.
Since most Congressional Democrats clearly are very bothered by the
President's conduct (and inane legal defense), the White House must somehow
rally Democratic support on Capitol Hill. For now, most Congressional
Democrats seem content to wring their hands about the President's conduct,
but some liberals think it is time for the party to try to redirect public
attention.
The obvious way for the White House to increase partisanship and
rally Democratic support inside the Beltway, where it is weakest, is to
get sympathetic allies to criticize the GOP for foot-dragging and to
increase the volume of their complaints that the Republicans and
independent counsel Kenneth Starr are engaged in a partisan witch hunt,
intent on obscuring the Democratic agenda on education, HMO reform, teenage
smoking and campaign finance reform.
Since polls show many Americans believe that Starr is trying to
embarrass the President, and a clear majority of Democrats polled by the
Los Angeles Times believe that Congress will consider the matter in a
partisan political manner rather than fairly, the White House has at least
some reason to believe that this strategy can be effective in Washington,
as well as around the country,
In order to further encourage House and Senate Democrats to line up
behind the President, Clinton may return to a government shutdown strategy,
which he used so effectively in late 1995.
While Republicans and even influential members of the media would
likely argue that the President was forcing a shutdown to distract
attention from his personal problems, the strategy might work well enough
to give him a breather from the scandal and put pressure on Hill Democrats
to rally behind Clinton in the hope of using winning Democratic themes
against the Republicans in the Fall.
While a shutdown would be risky, Clinton's weak position on Capitol
Hill and with the media probably makes such a gamble more appealing. In
fact, one knowledgeable Democrat suggested to me recently that while he
believed that GOP legislative leaders were prepared to do anything to avoid
a shutdown, including acceding to most of the White House's demands on the
remainig appropriations bills, he was hoping that conservatives emboldened
by the President's problems, would force a shutdown.
But while a polarizing strategy might help the President hold onto
the White House, it would make Democratic candidates in swing states and
districts awfully nervous about their own political futures. And that's a
problem the White House will have trouble getting around.